Charlottesville Criminal Justice Trends by Race 2011‐2020 Presented to Charlottesville City Council Just C’Ville Workgroup September 28, 2021 Background • In January 2020, the consulting firm MGT presented to Charlottesville City Council the results of a multi‐year study of the disproportionate incarceration of Black inmates arrested in Charlottesville and Albemarle County. • MGT obtained jail and court data from 2014 to 2017 and used a matching protocol to identify “similarly situated” inmates (one Black and one White). • Regression analysis was then used to identify areas of true disparity along a series of decision points in the criminal justice system. • Disparity was identified in six of seven areas studied. o Severity of Principle Charge o Number of Companion Charges o Bond/Hold decisions o Length of Stay o Findings of Guilt o Sentence Length (including suspended sentence) The Current Study • This study is a longer‐term trend analysis, studying reported crime, arrests and incarceration data from 2011 to 2020. • This study tallies the number of Black and White arrestees and inmates observed among a number of key criminal justice metrics to highlight areas of disproportionality, and to measure any change in that disproportionality over the decade. • No attempts were made to identify “similarly situated” individuals in the data sets, nor did this study attempt to measure true disparity. • Still, many of the key findings are consistent with the MGT findings of January 2020. Ten Key Findings • Reported crime fell significantly in Charlottesville from 2011 to 2020, especially when compared to other Virginia cities of comparable size. • The number of Charlottesville arrests decreased by similar percentages among Black and White people over the decade, in all three major crime categories. • Arrests of older people have been on the increase, especially among Black arrestees age 55 or older, while arrests of 18‐24 year‐olds have fallen sharply. • Intakes of Charlottesville‐responsible inmates have fallen significantly, slightly more so among White inmates than among Black inmates. • Black inmates were increasingly taken into the jail on more charges than white inmates from 2011 to 2020. • Black inmates were significantly less likely to be released pretrial than were white inmates throughout the decade. • Average length of stay fell among Black inmates, while rising modestly among White inmates. Still, on average, Black inmates served 24.2 days longer than White inmates in 2020. • The percentage of Black Charlottesville inmates increased as length of stay increased. • Bed day expenditures dropped significantly among both Black and White inmates from 2011 to 2020. • Black arrests, jail intakes and bed day expenditures in the City remained significantly disproportionate throughout the decade, when compared to US Census estimates of the Black population of Charlottesville and surrounding jurisdictions. Charlottesville’s Racial Demographics • Charlottesville’s population grew 7.1% from 2010 to 2020. • Fewer than one in five Charlottesville residents identified as Black in 2020. • Nearly three quarters of Charlottesville residents identified as White in 2020 (including those identifying as being of Hispanic ethnicity). • There is some evidence to suggest that fewer Charlottesville residents identified as Black in the 2020 census than in 2010. • However, the Weldon Cooper Center at UVa cautions against relying on 2010 and 2020 census comparisons in isolation. Among the reasons: o Communities are increasingly multi‐racial, with greater numbers of residents identifying as more than one race or ethnicity. o In addition, demographers inserted intentional “noise” in the 2020 census data to protect the identity of individual households. The extent to which this “noise” influenced Charlottesville’s 2020 census data by race is unknown. o Finally, the 2020 census was conducted during a pandemic, in which many UVa students were not present to be counted in Charlottesville. The impact of this undercount on the 2020 census by race is unknown. Charlottesville Census: 2010 and 2020 by Race Data includes those who identified as one race alone or in combination with other races or ethnicities. Decennial Census Count, April 1, 2010 Decennial Census Count, April 1, 2020 April 1, 2010 ‐ April 1, 2020 Charlottesville by Race Total Population Total Population Change Population Total (%) Population Total (%)Total Charlottesville White 43,475 31,197 71.8% 46,553 33,650 72.3% 2,453 Charlottesville Black 43,475 9,010 20.7% 46,553 8,122 17.4% ‐888 Charlottesville Asian 43,475 3,330 7.7% 46,553 5,064 10.9% 1,734 Charlottesville Other Race 43,475 921 2.1% 46,553 2,774 6.0% 1,853 Charlottesville Native American/Alaska Native 43,475 379 0.9% 46,553 673 1.4% 294 Charlottesville Pacific Islander 43,475 55 0.1% 46,553 77 0.2% 22 Ethnicity: Charlottesville Hispanic 43,475 2,223 5.1% 47,266 3,207 6.8% 984 Source: Weldon Cooper Center, University of Virginia Reported Crime Data (2011 to 2020) • Charlottesville’s reported crime data for 2011‐2020 was extracted from the Virginia State Police database: https://va.beyond2020.com/ • Reported crime is entered by all law enforcement agencies into the Uniform Crime Reporting system, which populates the VSP database. • Reported crime data is not categorized by the race of the offender or victim. • Reported Group A crime is separated into three major categories: o Crimes Against Person (homicide, assault, sex offenses, kidnapping, etc.) o Crimes Against Property (theft, burglary, fraud, arson, robbery, vandalism, etc.) o Crimes Against Society (narcotics, illegal weapons, pornography, gambling, etc.) Trends in Charlottesville Reported Group A Crime Rate per 1000 Residents (2011‐2020) • Sizeable reductions were observed among all three Group A crime categories from 2011 to 2020, with crimes against person dropping 40%, crimes against property falling 41% and crimes against society decreasing 52%. • Compared to nine Virginia cities of comparable size, Charlottesville’s crime rates per 1000 residents were lower than the average of peer cities in all three Group B categories. In particular, Charlottesville’s crimes against society rate was far lower than peer cities, trending down 52% while comparable cities averaged a 20% increase. • The comparison cities included Danville, Fredericksburg, Harrisonburg, Lynchburg, Manassas, Petersburg, Staunton, Suffolk and Winchester. • Crimes that were not reported are not captured in this analysis. Charlottesville Reported Group A Crime Rates per 1000 Residents 70 Crimes Against Property Down 41% 60 50 Crimes Against Person Down 40% 40 Crimes Against Society Down 52% 30 20 10 0 Charlottesville Crimes Against Person Charlottesville Crimes Against Property Charlottesville Crimes Against Society 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Reported Group A Crimes Against Person per 1000 Residents Charlottesville vs. Average of Comparable Virginia Cities 30 Comparable Cities down 14% 25 20 15 10 Charlottesville down 40% 5 0 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Charlottesville Average of Comparable Cities Linear (Charlottesville) Linear (Average of Comparable Cities) Reported Group A Crimes Against Property per 1000 Residents Charlottesville vs. Average of Comparable Virginia Cities 70 Comparable Cities down 28% 60 50 40 30 Charlottesville down 41% 20 10 0 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Charlottesville Average of Comparable Cities Linear (Charlottesville) Linear (Average of Comparable Cities) Reported Group A Crimes Against Society per 1000 Residents Charlottesville vs. Average of Comparable Virginia Cities 25 Comparable Cities up 20% 20 15 10 5 Charlottesville down 52% 0 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Charlottesville Average of Comparable Cities Linear (Charlottesville) Linear (Average of Comparable Cities) Charlottesville Group A Arrests (2011‐2020) • The number of Charlottesville Group A arrests recorded in the Virginia State Police database reflected a similar decrease in crime rates as was observed in the reported crime data. • Arrests dropped for both Black and White arrestees, in all three major crime categories, and in a similar fashion. • However, the number of Black Charlottesville arrestees remained higher than the number of white arrestees during all years studied, in all three crime categories (with the exception of crimes against property in 2017). • Black arrests in the City remained significantly disproportionate throughout the decade, when compared to US Census estimates of the Black population of Charlottesville and surrounding jurisdictions. Charlottesville Group A Arrests 600 Crimes Against Person down 52% 500 Crimes Against Property down 68% 400 Crimes Against Society down 75% 300 200 100 0 Crimes Against Person Crimes Against Property Crimes Against Society 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Charlottesville Group A Arrests for Crimes Against Person by Race (2011‐2020) 350 300 Black Arrests down 52% 250 200 150 100 50 White Arrests down 51% 0 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Crimes Against Person ‐ Black Crimes Against Person ‐ White Linear (Crimes Against Person ‐ Black ) Linear (Crimes Against Person ‐ White) Charlottesville Group A Arrests for Crimes Against Property by Race (2011‐2020) 250 200 150 Black Arrests down 72% 100 50 White Arrests down 68% 0 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Crimes Against Property ‐ Black Crimes Against Property ‐ White Linear (Crimes Against Property ‐ Black ) Linear (Crimes Against Property ‐ White) Charlottesville Group A Arrests for Crimes Against Society by Race (2011‐2020) 200 180 160 Black Arrests down 72% 140 White Arrests down 72% 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Crimes Against Society ‐ Black Crimes Against Society ‐ White Linear (Crimes Against Society ‐ Black ) Linear (Crimes Against Society ‐ White) Group A Arrests by Race and Age (2011‐2020) • Significant reductions in the number of Group A arrests of both Black and White arrestees were observed among all age groups, except for those age 55 and older. • The number of Charlottesville Black arrestees age 55+ increased 63%, while the number of White arrestee rose 16%. • The greatest reductions in arrest volume were observed among the youngest age group (18‐24), with the number Black arrestees dropping 84% and the number of White arrestees dropping 83%. • This same pattern has been observed in intake data at ACRJ. Charlottesville Group A Arrests by Race and Age Group 250 200 150 100 50 0 Black 18‐ Black 25‐ Black 35‐ Black 45‐ Black 55+ White 18‐ White 25‐ White 35‐ White 45‐ White 55+ 24 34 44 54 24 34 44 54 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Percent Change in Charlottesville Group A Arrests by Race and Age Group (2011‐2020) 63% 16% ‐50% ‐55% ‐54% ‐59% ‐68% ‐73% ‐84% ‐83% Black 18‐24 Black 25‐34 Black 35‐44 Black 45‐54 Black 55+ White 18‐24 White 25‐34 White 35‐44 White 45‐54 White 55+ Virginia State Police Group B Arrest Data Group B offenses only have arrestee data recorded in the Uniform Crime Reporting system. Most Group B offenses only come to law enforcement attention when arrests are made. 1. Bad Checks 2. Curfew/Loitering/Vagrancy Violations 3. Disorderly Conduct 4. Driving Under the Influence 5. Drunkenness 6. Family Offenses, Nonviolent 7. Liquor Law Violations 8. Peeping Tom 9. Runaway 10. Trespass of Real Property 11. All Other Offenses Charlottesville Group B Arrests by Race (2011‐ 2020) • Significant reductions in arrests for Group B offenses were observed among both Black and White arrestees in Charlottesville from 2011 to 2020. • The percentage decrease for Black and White Group B arrests were nearly identical (down 55% and 56% respectively). • Black Group B arrests in the City remained significantly disproportionate throughout the decade, when compared to US Census estimates of the Black population of Charlottesville and surrounding jurisdictions. Charlottesville Group B Arrests by Race 1,200 1,000 White Group B Arrests down 56% 800 600 400 200 Black Group B Arrests down 55% 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Black White Linear (Black) Linear (White) Albemarle‐Charlottesville Regional Jail Data (2011‐2020) • ACRJ provided the Criminal Justice Planner with all intake and release data from 1/1/2011 to 12/31/2020. • This data set records each intake by race, gender and age, charge(s) and jurisdiction of offense. • The data set also includes intake date, release date and release reason, allowing for calculation of average length of stay by race. • The number of intakes, multiplied by the average length of stay, provides a tally of the number of jail bed days expended by race. ACRJ Intakes by Race (2011‐2020) • As might be expected by the drop in reported crime and arrests in Charlottesville, the number of people taken into ACRJ on Charlottesville offenses dropped 30% from 2011 to 2020. • The reduction in Charlottesville intakes was greater among White inmates (down 35.4%) than for Black inmates (down 28.7%). • During the most recent three year period (2018‐2020), intakes dropped more sharply than the ten‐year trend, down 49%. • Again, the reduction in Charlottesville intakes from 2018 to 2020 was greater among White inmates (down 54%) than for Black inmates (down 45%). • Intakes of Black inmates held on City charges remained significantly disproportionate throughout the decade, when compared to US Census estimates of the Black population of Charlottesville and surrounding jurisdictions. Charlottesville Intakes at ACRJ 2500 Intakes down 30% 2000 1500 1000 500 0 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Charlottesville Intakes by Race 1200 Black intakes down 28.7% 1000 800 600 400 White intakes down 35.4% 200 0 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Charlottesville Black Intakes Charlottesville White Intakes Linear (Charlottesville Black Intakes) Linear (Charlottesville White Intakes) Charlottesville Booking Types by Race (2010‐ 2020) • A “booking” is a charge associated with an inmate’s intake. An inmate can be taken into ACRJ on a single booking (for example, grand larceny), or multiple bookings (such as breaking and entering, grand larceny and probation violation). • The chart on the next slide shows tallies of the top ten charge types by booking volume, by race. • Black inmates were more likely to be taken into the jail on charges of assault, probation violations, narcotics, larceny, driver’s license offenses and weapons charges. White inmates were more likely to be taken in on alcohol offenses and DWI. • Significant reductions in booking volume among Black inmates were observed in the charge categories of alcohol, narcotics, and driver’s license offenses. • Significant reductions in booking volume among White inmates were found among alcohol, DWI, narcotics, fraud and driver’s license offenses. • The most significant increase in booking volume was observed among Black inmates arrested on illegal weapons charges. Charlottesville Top Ten Booking Types by Race 500 450 400 350 300 250 200 150 100 50 0 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Percent Change in Top Ten Booking Types by Race (2011‐2020) 73% 23% 12% 12% 15% 6% 4% 6% ‐1% ‐8% ‐6% ‐18% ‐26% ‐31% ‐39% ‐56% ‐57% ‐60% ‐65% ‐62% ALC ‐ Black ASL ‐ Black PRB ‐ Black DWI ‐ Black NAR ‐ Black LAR ‐ Black CON ‐ Black FRD ‐ Black LIC ‐ Black WPN ‐ Black ALC‐White ASL ‐ White PRB‐ White DWI ‐ White NAR ‐ White LAR ‐ White CON ‐ White FRD ‐ White LIC ‐ White WPN ‐ White Charlottesville Inmate Booking/Intake Ratio • The booking to intake ratio is a measure of the number of bookings (charges) associated with an inmate’s intake into ACRJ. The larger the number, the greater the number of charges associated with that intake event. • In 2011, the booking/intake ratio for Charlottesville inmates was virtually indistinguishable by race. • From 2011 to 2020, the Black Charlottesville booking/intake ratio increased at three times the rate of White inmates (33% vs. 11%). Charlottesville Booking to Intake Ratio 3 Black booking/intake ratio up 33% 2.5 2 1.5 1 White booking/intake ratio up 11% 0.5 0 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Black Booking to Intake Ratio White Booking to Intake Ratio Linear (Black Booking to Intake Ratio) Linear (White Booking to Intake Ratio) Pretrial Release Rates • The rate at which Black and White Charlottesville inmates were released from ACRJ on bond or to pretrial supervision decreased slightly from 2011 to 2020 (4% and 7% respectively). • However, pretrial release rates for Black Charlottesville inmates were well below that of White inmates throughout the study period. • During 2020, 40% of Black Charlottesville inmates were released pretrial, compared to 60% of White inmates. Percentage of Charlottesville Inmates Released Pretrial by Race 80% White pretrial releases down 7% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% Black pretrial releases down 4% 20% 10% 0% 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 % of Black Inmates Released Pretrial % of White Inmates Released Pretrial Linear (% of Black Inmates Released Pretrial) Linear (% of White Inmates Released Pretrial) Average Length of Stay by Race (2010‐2020) • The average length of a Black inmate’s stay on Charlottesville charges dropped 16% from 2011 to 2020, while rising 3% among White inmates. • While the difference in average length of stay narrowed somewhat during the decade, Black inmates served considerably longer sentences than did White inmates during the entire decade. • During 2020, the average length of a Charlottesville Black inmate’s jail stay was 59.4 days, compared to 35.2 days for the average White Charlottesville inmate. Charlottesville Average Length of Stay by Race 80 Black ALOS down 16% 70 60 50 40 30 20 White ALOS up 3% 10 0 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Charlottesville Black ALOS Charlottesville White ALOS Linear (Charlottesville Black ALOS) Linear (Charlottesville White ALOS) Length of Stay by Race • 33% of Charlottesville inmates were released within 24 hours of their jail intake from 2011 to 2020. • The number of Black and White Charlottesville inmates serving less than 24 hours dropped by almost half during the decade. • Smaller decreases were observed among Black and White inmates serving 1 to 7 days, falling 14% in both groups. • White inmates had slightly greater decreases in lengths of stay of 8 to 30 days than did Black inmates (down 23% and 16% respectively). • The only length of stay category in which increases were observed was from 31 to 90 days, with the number of White inmates increasing 26%, compared to a 10% increase for Black inmates. • The number of both Black and White Charlottesville inmates staying longer than 90 days fell by nearly a third from 2011 to 2020. Percentages of Inmate Length of Stay by Race (2011‐2020) • Fewer than 1% of inmates were members of a racial group other than Black or White in any of the five length of stay bins from 2011 to 2020. • In the shortest length of stay bin (inmates serving less than 24 hours), the percentage of White inmates was significantly higher than that of Black inmates (61% to 38%). This was the only length of stay bin with a White majority. • As length of stay increased, the percentage of Black inmates in that length of stay bin increased, relative to White inmates. • In the longest length of stay bin (stays of longer than 90 day), Black inmates account for over two thirds of all inmates. Percentage of Charlottesville Inmates Serving Less Than 1 day (2011‐2020) White LOS <1 Day dropped 48% Black LOS <1day dropped 45% 2011 to 2020 2011 to 2020 38% 61% Black Inmates Serving Less than 1 Day White Inmates Serving Less than 1 Day Percentage of Charlottesville Inmates Serving 1 to 7 Days (2011‐2020) White LOS 1‐7 days dropped 14% Black LOS 1‐7 days dropped 14% 2011 to 2020 2011 to 2020 43% 56% Black Inmates Serving 1‐7 Days White Inmates Serving 1‐7 Days Percentage of Charlottesville Inmates Serving 8 to 30 Days (2011‐2020) White LOS 7‐30 days dropped 23% Black LOS 8‐30 days dropped 16% 2011 to 2020 2011 to 2020 39% 60% Black Inmates Serving 8‐30 Days White Inmates Serving 8‐30 Days Percentage of Charlottesville Inmates Serving 31 to 90 Days (2011‐2020) White LOS 31‐90 days rose 26% Black LOS 31‐90 days rose 10% 2011 to 2020 2011 to 2020 35% 65% Black Inmates Serving 31‐90 Days White Inmates Serving 31‐90 Days Percentage of Charlottesville Inmates Serving More Than 90 Days (2011‐2020) White LOS 91+ days dropped 33% Black LOS 91+ days dropped 33% 2011 to 2020 2011 to 2020 31% 68% Black Inmates Serving 91+ Days White Inmates Serving 91+ Days Charlottesville Inmates Transferred to DOC • The number of Charlottesville inmates transferred to the custody of the Virginia Department of Corrections, both Black and White, fell substantially from 2011 to 2020. • Significantly greater numbers of Black inmates were transferred to DOC custody than were White inmates. • During 2020, transfers to DOC custody were curtailed after March, resulting in increasing lengths of stay at ACRJ for state‐custody inmates. Charlottesville Inmates Transferred to the Virginia Department of Corrections by Race 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Black Inmates Transferred to DOC White Inmates Transferred to DOC Linear (Black Inmates Transferred to DOC) Linear (White Inmates Transferred to DOC) Bed Day Expenditures by Race (2010‐2020) • The number of jail bed days expended on Charlottesville inmates dropped 36% between 2011 and 2020. • Decreases were similar among both Black inmates (down 38%) an White inmates (down 34%). • Black bed day expenditures in the City remained significantly disproportionate throughout the decade, when compared to US Census estimates of the Black population of Charlottesville and surrounding jurisdictions. Charlottesville Inmate Bed Day Expenditures 100000 90000 BDE down 36% 80000 70000 60000 50000 40000 30000 20000 10000 0 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Charlottesville Bed Day Expenditures by Race 70000 Black BDE down 38% 60000 50000 40000 30000 20000 10000 White BDE down 34% 0 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Charlottesville Black BDE Charlottesville White BDE Linear (Charlottesville Black BDE) Linear (Charlottesville White BDE) Conclusions • Reported crime, arrests, and incarceration all decreased substantially in Charlottesville from 2011 to 2020. • Drops in arrests and incarceration were fairly equally distributed among Black and White people. • While fewer numbers of Black people were incarcerated in 2020 than in 2011, those decreases have done little to reduce the degree of disproportionality between Black and White people arrested and incarcerated in Charlottesville. • While the average length of stay of Black inmates still exceeds that of white inmates by a considerable margin, that margin has narrowed somewhat over the past decade. Prepared by: Neal S. Goodloe, MPA Criminal Justice Planner Jefferson Area Community Criminal Justice Board September 2021